Alaskans are watching a strange political drama unfold. A second candidate named Dan Sullivan filed to run for the U.S. Senate against incumbent Senator Dan S. Sullivan. The Division of Elections removed “Decoy Dan” from the ballot. He sued. Courts are now on a rocket docket, racing ballot-printing deadlines to decide whether he stays off or gets restored. Lawyers are billing hours, public money is being spent, and a U.S. Senate race that could help determine control of that chamber is being fought in courtrooms instead of in front of voters. Chuck Schumer must be gleeful. And the rank, smelly, system we put in place in 2020 is responsible.
Courts will now sort out legal questions. What interests me more is how Alaska got into this situation.
The answer is the 2020 ballot measure that voters narrowly passed, establishing rank-choice voting and the jungle primary. At the end of the day, while sneaky, this is not primarily a candidate problem or a nefarious political maneuver. It’s a system problem. Whether Decoy Dan intended to confuse voters or sincerely wanted to run is almost beside the point. The only reason we are having this fight is that the 2020 ballot measure removed the safeguard that once prevented this exact kind of controversy.
Before 2020, Alaska had party primaries. If you wanted to be the Republican nominee for U.S. Senate, you had to convince Republican voters that you should carry the party banner into the general election. Candidates could not simply assign themselves a party label and appear on the same ballot as the actual nominee. Parties were the gatekeepers for the letter after a candidate’s name.
This is the predictable consequence of a system that removed a safeguard that worked and replaced it with one that clearly does not.
That system was not perfect, but it contained a practical safeguard most people never noticed because it worked. Someone wanting to run as a Republican against an incumbent Republican senator had to defeat that senator in a Republican primary. If he could not, he did not advance.
The 2020 ballot measure changed all of that. Today, every candidate appears on the same ballot, and party labels are self-designated. The state itself notes that those labels do not represent party endorsement or approval. A candidate can write “Republican” next to his name without ever receiving support from Republican voters or the Republican Party. Once that safeguard disappeared, situations like this became predictable. Apparently, he can write “Republican” before he even registers as an (R).
A candidate no longer has to persuade Republican voters. He no longer gets vetted by those he wants to represent. He simply places himself on the same ballot, adopts the same label, and hopes voters sort it out. The old system prevented this maneuver.
The new one allows, or even encourages, it.
That is why this controversy keeps circling back to the 2020 ballot measure. Reasonable people can disagree about whether the Division of Elections exceeded its authority. The courts will decide that. What should concern all Alaskans, however, is that we have reached a point where an unelected official, and now a judge, must determine whether a candidate’s intentions are sincere enough to appear on the ballot.
RCV and the 2020 ballot measure removed the structural protection that would have filtered this out automatically. Lacking a clear statutory answer, election officials tried to solve it administratively. Now the courts are involved. The result is litigation, expense, uncertainty, last-minute election angst and controversy – problems that simply did not exist under the previous primary system.
The irony is thick. Supporters of the 2020 ballot measure promised it would reduce political gamesmanship and increase voter confidence. Instead, Alaska is arguing over candidate motives, ballot access, administrative authority, and emergency court hearings days before ballots go to print.
ALASKA WATCHMAN DIRECT TO YOUR INBOX
Under jungle primaries, and rank voting, our elections have become far worse.
This is not a uniquely Republican concern. In Washington state last year, a Republican operative recruited two additional candidates named Bob Ferguson to run against the Democratic frontrunner for governor. Both parties condemned the tactic. The lesson is clear: election systems should not create opportunities for this kind of gamesmanship in the first place.
Alaska’s old system already had the answer. Republican voters, not election administrators or judges, decided who would represent their party. That decision belonged to the voters.
In November, Alaskans will have the chance to decide whether the jungle primary and rank-choice voting should remain. Whatever the courts decide this week, voters should remember the real lesson of the two Dan Sullivans: they are not the cause of the problem. They are the predictable consequence of a system that removed a safeguard that worked and replaced it with one that clearly does not.
Rank Choice Voting sucks!
Vote YES on the New Ballot Measure Two. Vote YES to end this mess.
The views expressed here are those of the author.


12 Comments
There is not enough campaigning on the “YES TO END RCV” ballot measure. How can we develop it?
Dee Cee, good point. There are some great YES ON 2 ads all over YouTube, as well as big signs on some well traveled roadways. Phil Izon’s recent email says he has 30 or so 4×8 signs available by request. I would love to see smaller yard signs for individuals (would be happy to contribute to the. cause). Personally I have not had any luck when contacting the Yes On 2 campaign website about this.
Yes, we need more activity here in Anchorage. I saw a number of signs down on the peninsula last week, but have seen only one “No on 2, No Dark Money” sign in Anchorage so far.
RCV is cheating. Dee Cee, yes we need to get the word out. Tell all your friends then these friends tell their people. Call your local radio station, post it on your local bulletin boards.
McCabe misses an important point here: Non-affiliated voters were allowed to vote in the “Classic Open Primary” system. It was not a true CLOSED primary. Thus, non-Republicans — as long as they did not belong to another party — were allowed into the primary. Nevertheless, McCabe is correct about the MESS that RCV has evolved into. But there is another twist: you do not have to have ever set foot in Alaska in order to run for office, only move here after you’ve been elected and sent to DC. Thus, any person named “Dan Sullivan” (and there must be thousands) could have done what Decoy Dan has done. Too bad it’s too late for the GOP to find another “Mary Peltola” in New York, California or Ohio somewhere.
Excellent observations, Bob. Thanks for that. My hope is that the Decoy Dan event will spell the end of ranked choice voting in Alaska this fall with the ballot initiative to get rid of it.
It’d be interesting to find out if Peltola is paying the campaign expenses for dan #2. At least we have time to find more Lisa Murkowski s before November 2028.
Suppose there were 30 or 40 “Dan Sullivans” on the ballot. Would THAT influence the judge? Where do you draw the line? The DOE (and they are no friend of mine, erasing the AIP) decided ONE is too many. I agree with this one.
I know which Dan i will vote for and I’m not going to tell!
It’s clearly what got Peltola into office and helped keep Senator Murkowski from being ejected from office, despite her unpopularity. RCV was purposely authored that way and will continue to cause confusion and division from unity, — until voters finally get smart enough to repeal it.
Thank You Ed!!
A virtuous maccabe! That is an oxymoron!